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  • A Preview Of Monday Morning In Europe

    A Preview Of Monday Morning In Europe

    Submitted by Tyler Durden on 05/05/2012 17:49 -0400

    While most will be following what appears to be an almost certain Hollande victory in the French presidential runoff elections tomorrow (InTrade odds around 10%), it is very likely that the Greek presidential election will have a greater acute impact on the political and financial facade of Europe, especially in the short term. As we noted in what we dubbed our first (of many) Greek election previews, the biggest problem facing the new political regime will be its near certain inability to form a coalition government (with just 32.6% of the vote going to PASOK and New Democracy) that does not undo most of what has been achieved through popular sweat and tears over the past 2 years to assist Europe's bankers in transferring what little Greek wealth remains to fund the insolvent European bank balance sheets. This in turn could begin the latest cascading contagion waterfall, which coupled with an anti-austerity drive emanating from a newly socialist France will threaten to topple Angela Merkel's carefully constructed European hegemony.As Reuters explains: "If the two parties fail to win a big enough majority to go into a coalition, they will have to woo groups opposed to the bailout, raising fears that Greece will renege on its promises to international lenders and head down a path towards bankruptcy and an exit from the euro, with dire contagion risks for other crisis hit EU states like Spain and Italy. A record 8-10 parties could enter parliament and four small groups are vying to become kingmakers after the poll." And the reason why we believe many more elections are coming is that "New Democracy leader Antonis Samaras is expected to win about 25 percent of the vote but insists he wants to rule alone. Analysts say that if he comes close to the numbers he needs he may be tempted to push for another snap election." And so on, allowing Greece to slowly enter a period of political vacuum. Yet unlike Belgium, it is unlikely that Greece can persist under anarchy, especially with another critical event coming due: a €430 million payment on an international law bond that matures on May 15, and whose owners have held out from the PSI process(remember that? apparently not all has been swept under the rug). In fact we now know that the Norwegian sovereign wealth fund could very well be the entity that will demand payment and when it doesn't get it will promptly proceed to sue Greece.As a reminder, here is what the Greek political landscape looks like currently (much more here):
    As Credit Suisse explained earlier this week, this is the procedure:




    The election result will be known late at night on Sunday 6 May. Following that, if no party has the majority of the votes (which is the most likely scenario), the president will ask the leader of the first party in votes to try to form a government (e.g. through a coalition) that enjoys the confidence of the parliament. If this fails or the party withdraws from its right, then the second party is asked to do the same and so on. The process is repeated for the three largest parties and each one has a three-day deadline. If these attempts fail, the president calls the parliamentary leaders of the parties on a last attempt to form a broad coalition government. If that is also unsuccessful an interim government is formed that would lead the country to a new election within a month.
    Alas, the bolded section is what we fear will happen again... and again... and again. If that is indeed the case, a downside scenario emerges:




    What if Greece does not deliver? We think that there is a clear risk that the IMF simply refuses to make the next payment. In that case it is probable that the EU would follow suit. However, it is unlikely in our view that payments would stop altogether; rather, they might be postponed until Greece fulfills its obligations
    And since the biggest losers from the gray swan outcome would be the firm that has expended substantial resources to preserve the European status quo, up to and including allegedly presenting its own alumni Carney and O'Neill to head the Bank of England, below we present how Goldman views the series of events that lead to a less than disastrous outcome. Because if things indeed unravel, the ultimate casualty will be none other than the Euro, the EMU, and from there, a tsunami contagion wave spreading to the US and farther.




    The Challenge for The Next Government From the first week in office, the next government will face significant challenges. First off, a decision will need to be made for the Greek international-law bond maturing on the 15th of May the owners of which have held out from the PSI process. The outstanding notional is not large (about EUR430mn) but the broader implications of a no-payment decision are unknown, while the political backlash from a payment may be large. Second, by June, budget cuts worth about 11.5bn EUR for the rest of the program period will need to be specified. There is little room left in the budget to promote such an adjustment without affecting public sector wages and pensions. Third, pressure from international lenders will likely shift on product market reforms going forward. This implies a focus on privatizations, opening up closed professions, reducing barriers to entry for new enterprises, reducing assured profit margins for various sectors etc. Previous governments have been unsuccessful in clashing with organized professional pressure groups and creating a true competitive market for goods and services. Thus the reduction in wages has not been followed by negative trends in market prices as well. Fourth and final, the recapitalization of the banking system in a format that makes it easy for banks to attract private capital in the future is a key element of the recovery process. Whether the dispersion of the EUR130bn rescue package continues depends on the new government’s actions, decisions and choices on the issues above. Greece needs the dispersion of funds in order to clear out arrears, avoid cash shortages, and build buffers for additional banking sector recapitalizations in the months to come. Near Term Election Uncertainty is Probably Overstated Given the pressing issues at hand for the next government and the downside that lack of policy action could entail, we are inclined to think that the political incentives are aligned towards the formation of some kind of government following the election on Sunday. As we discussed in our latest note on the subject, despite the low polling rates of the two major parties, PASOK and New Democracy (ND), the electoral law provisions make it likely that they are able to form some type of coalition government on Monday. And even in the extreme event that they don’t, there are other small moderate parties who favor stability and government continuity who could be brought in to form an interim government. What is more important to focus on is the balance of power within the next governing coalition, the number of seats it commands in the parliament as well as its composition. These factors would determine the room for the next government to be truly functional, its lifespan and its desire to proactively introduce crucial market friendly reforms. How to Think of The Day After Without diminishing the probability that an extreme and unexpected outcome occurs, we would focus on what we consider the most likely outcome, as discussed earlier. And based on this, we discuss the criteria to judge the result on Sunday.

    1. Parliamentary majority for the government. A wider parliamentary majority would allow any coalition government to legislate on the difficult issues at hand more freely. It would thus be best for the government to be backed by parties amassing more than 45% of the vote in total (whether this is just PASOK and ND or whether it also includes a third party).
    2. Parliament composition. A smaller presence of radical parties at the extremes of the spectrum and potential parliamentary representation by the two small liberal parties (called Democratic Alliance and “Action” respectively) would likely help improve the intra-parliamentary debate and provide checks and balances of higher quality and applicability for the next government.
    3. Government composition. The parties who will form the next government will need to agree on who becomes prime minister and which individuals staff the key ministries. The more skewed the composition of the government towards one party, the less the likely time horizon that the current government survives.
    4. Mandate. The individuals selected for the key ministries will be a good leading indicator on the success of the government towards meeting its targets. In order to achieve the demanding tasks at hand, it would be best for reform oriented and proactive individuals to take office in key ministries such as the ministry of labor, the ministry of health, the ministry of public transport, the ministry of finance etc


    מקור המאמר: zerohedge.com

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